The Paradoxes of Productivism

Igor Chubarov
in “Chto Delat? / What as to be done?
08 – 07 – 07



Today, any attempt to actualize the archive of the left avant-garde can have only one political meaning. Namely: to analyze a conjuncture almost unprecedented in history, when art and politics from the left joined forces to realize the greatest social revolution ever imagined, its impossibility comparable to that of truly rational beings finally appearing in the world. In what was ultimately a failure, they attempted to reinforce political gains in new forms of everyday life, creating hitherto unimagined sensibilities.




An understanding of art as an anthropological experience of images defined by unconscious non-representative mimetic procedures (or mimesis immanent to the artwork)1 would allow us to see this phenomenon as a model of human life that is immediate and no longer subordinate to any subject-centered ideology, at least to the degree to which it becomes characteristic of both the art work and broader socio-historical “truth procedures” (Alain Badiou).

Propagated by the authors of the early Proletkult and LEF, the life-building utopias of the 1920s – productivism and the “literature of the fact” – tried to extend this notion of art to all sides of life, intervening into the fabric of a society still largely determined by pre-revolutionary culture. Today, the theoretical paradoxes and complex realizations of these ideas in practice become our principal object of attention. For one, we will inevitably be interested in the objective social causes and conditions immanent to artistic creativity that prevented such projects from reaching their historical realization; but, even more importantly, we will want to assess the potentialities that these projects still contain, and how they are relevant to the “big politics” of art today. Why exactly is the avant-garde contemporary? Can it respond to the current political situation adequately? Can it change anything? Or is it only capable of aestheticizing detached aspects of contemporary bourgeois reality in projects of private nostalgia?

Much of the scholarly research into these questions to date seems academically neutral. But actually, we can be sure that it is characterized by ideological biases that interfere with any unprejudiced appraisal of socialist art and its problems. Though there is a great deal of interest in the Russian avant-garde worldwide, scholarship usually attempts to present it either as a left-liberal alternative to the communist cultural project or as little more than a preamble to its conservation in the socialist realist canon that emerged already in the 1930s. In my view, there is a striking similarity in these two views. 2

To begin with, we need to stop reducing art to perception or to the pure consumption of an aesthetic product whose making and makers remain obscure. At the same time, we need to elude the Platonic trap of seeing politics as art. Left art may have its own immanent criteria, and these criteria may indeed not be aesthetic, but political. However, these political criteria do not originate in ideologemes or political movements, but in the immanent political nature of art as a real physical experience of violence, labor, and exploitation. The artist inevitably partakes of these experiences and tries to overcome them through his art, changing the surrounding world correspondingly.



Revolution as Mimesis

One could see revolution as a form of social mimesis. This is already immanent to the very notion (re-volution) as a return to justice, brotherhood, emancipated labor etc. Here, however, one could identify two subtypes. The first is Aristotelian: it assumes the realization of total mimesis as the imitation of a certain ideal and the embodiment of a true idea (such as “communism,” for example) in historical reality. The instruments of ideology usually control this type of political mimesis. The other type of mimesis assumes that such social projects are limited by the sensuous experience and potential of the revolutionary class and the general order of mortal (i.e. finite) being,3 unlocking what is essentially an inexhaustible resource in art. Art now operates both in the regime of utopia and in the regime of tragedy. This, however, does not assume any rejection of revolutionary activity. Quite on the contrary, only it is capable of providing its fundamental motivation.

Communist futurism and the art of a broader leftist avant-garde of the 1920s are interesting primarily because they suggest ways to overcome the gaps between ideology and utopia, politics and poetics, modes of working that allow artists a simultaneous presence on both the field of art and on the stage of political struggle.

Before the revolution, Russian futurism actively expressed the much-cited loss of the “integral object” through non-objective art and trans-rational poetry, mourning or replacing it with fetishized images, much as did the Russian symbolists. No doubt futurism played a revolutionary role in its time: it gave the most advanced part of Russian society a palpable sense of the possibilities in a new, other mode of being against the backdrop of a century-old panorama of lordship and bondage, reflected in hundreds of mirrors of its “divine” presence (one of which was classical realism). However, after the October Revolution, the continuation of the futurist project required a more complex remotivation, since the revolutionary quality of form immanent to the avant-garde came up against nominal truths that were no longer in need of “de-familiarization.” Moreover, communist futurism faced increasing pressure from a new art that enjoyed the support of the new powers because it was ready to propagate its political content through traditional aesthetic means.

Also, it seemed obvious that the problem of alienated labor had not simply disappeared when power changed hands. The declaration of social ownership over the means of production required a real constructive effort to become more than empty words. This led to a soaring rise of technical utopianism during the early 1920s, prompting a number of talented authors to leave art for production altogether (Alexei Gastev, the young Platonov). Their mechanical utopias attempted to capture the entrepreneurial spirit and productive efficiency of Taylorism, but clearly perceived itself as working toward an outcome similar to the one envisioned by the early Marx. Machines were supposed to take over routinized labor, leaving people free to study, to invent the machines themselves, and to engage in other forms of socially productive creativity. But the all-too-optimistic hopes toward a total mechanization of the economy were doomed. The problem was not so much that these utopias could not be realized in principle, but that, aside from encountering a host of technical problems, their paths were blocked by the surrounding capitalist world, the destruction and hunger of the post-revolutionary years, as well as the rather conservative legacy of Russian sensibilities, stereotypes of lordship and bondage, objectifying, violent relations to the body of the other, etc.

There were two different ways of dealing with this state of affairs, and with the pre-revolutionary division of labor and social stratification that socialism had inherited: one was utopian, the other ideological. Reading Adorno through Karl Mannheim, one might say that left art, as not to betray utopia “for the sake of appearances and reassurances,” had no right to become ideology. Yet at the same time, the majority of leftwing artistic currents in the 1920s followed a trajectory of “betraying” utopia: presenting communism as a “true idea” that had already been realized, without going on to change the world. When theoreticians, poets, and artists who came together around the journal LEF in the early 1920s and its editor Vladimir Mayakovsky, they answered these conservative tendencies with the idea of “production art.”



Sacrificial Character of Art and the “Ass” of Labor

As we have already said, the revolutionary class’ mimetic capabilities were limited by the bourgeois backgrounds and sensibilities inherited from the pre-revolutionary regime. The writers and artists of LEF saw that this limitation contained a paradoxical potential for the development of art, and went on to suggest a number of devices for their productive utilization. To be more precise: while they too realized that it would be impossible to overcome these limitations even under the conditions of the proletariat’s victory, it made sense to them to introduce a ban on any imitation-reflection of reality, and to prevent the author from expressing his or her individual (ultimately petit bourgeois) psychology in artistic practice.

For art, this entailed the return to the bosom of social production. The creative process would be handed over to a certain collective literary machine (commune); the individual author would take over the function of a master craftsman. This “master craftsman’s” dependence on class and society expressed itself in the idea of “social comission” (social’nyj zakaz). It is easy to fall into the trap of demonizing this notion today by identifying it with the vulgar-sociological slogan of a “social command” (social’nyj prikaz). Actually, the attempt to answer “society’s demands” entailed a reflection of the artist’s sensual-corporeal relation to both the social milieu of his origin, and the society he was gravitating towards. Radicals like Osip Brik, Sergei Tretyakov, or Nikolai Chuzhak may often have gone too far in their eagerness to fulfill this “social demand.” But this should not make us blind to what is most important: the presence of an indelible link of the artist with his social body, the nature and form of which has yet to be understood in full.

By the way, the main lesson of production art was that the proletariat’s class-consciousness may be a necessary but clearly insufficient precondition for revolutionary art, due to the unconscious character (Benjamin) of that mimetic activity that the proletarian (like the artist) is really capable of carrying out. Only the source of this unconscious today need to be revealed in its broad social setting, and not only in the stuffily familiar domestic context of individuality.

The avant-garde opposed labor with creativity, and countered the solitary artist personality with the communal body of the “proletariat.” Departing from this problematic, we can interpret the “utilitarianism” of the productivists and their critique of the “autonomy of art” in a somewhat different vein than previous criticism. The opposition of earlier futurist and formalist positions to productivism only holds up to a superficial reading. It would be inappropriate to present this argument4 in full here, but I think it totally contradicts the fashionable neoliberal idea that the communist-futurists and productivists were the godfathers of the socialist realist canon or the “Gesamtkunstwerk Stalin.” Here, there were fundamental differences.

For one, even the productivists’ most vehemently argued thesis – art’s conscious dissolution in social production – never presupposed the triumph of the mimetic model outlined in Plato’s “Republic.” Instead, it marked art’s passage from easel painting and the salon to social reality in the form of artistic elements for daily life, and advocated the adoption of an artistic language no longer burdened by illusionism.

LEF offered a way out of the Lukascian-Benjaminian dilemma between the aestheticization of politics and the politicization of aesthetics through the idea of “life-building,” one with a clearly Marxist genealogy, combining it with the formalist conceptions of the autonomy of a social stratum (social’nyj rjad). This position’s principal point of contention was a view of human activity as artistic and technical creativity against the backdrop of a newly discovered non-representative model of subjectivity, mechanically organized “generic” proletarian corporeality.

Like the theoreticians of the early Proletkult and unlike the Trotskyites, the members of LEF assumed that it would be possible to unlock the proletariat’s creative capacities without a 50-year delay for the building of socialism, and it was production art that functioned as a model for this unlocking. LEF’s notion of the proletariat differed somewhat from that of the Proletkult, however: rather than being a social status quo that had already been attained, it appeared as the principal possibility to unlock every person’s “proletarian consciousness.” The productionists’ version of proletarian art, in this sense, was not “art for proletarians” and not “art by proletarians” but the art of “artist-proletarians.”5 Thus, the productionists postulated a new socio-cultural status for the artist, offering him a very specific model of subjectification, “becoming proletarian,” reversible in the proletarian’s “becoming artist,” through the participation of broad masses in accessible forms of artistic and technical creativity.

The latter remained, of course, no more than a good intention, an insurmountable weakness of such social utopianism, and one that the state ideological apparatus immediately took advantage of, replacing the utopia of creativity with the ideologemes of labor.

It may well be that a quasi-Hegelian “sublation” of utopia and ideology in the later versions of productionism (New LEF) became the main reason for com-futurism’s inner collapse, though it was pushed along by outer attacks. Because it was no secret to anyone that death (and what’s more, the “death of art”) would always come between the futurist utopia and the possibility of its realization. The “death of art” may not have seemed like such a great loss, had at least one artistic utopia realized itself as “paradise on earth,” and not just an endless goal of development in the forms of art itself. There is much more than coyness behind that shamefaced word “just.” The artists sacrificed themselves – Mayakovsky committed suicide; Tretyakov was arrested and shot; Platonov led a “life” of obscurity – after dedicating such great efforts to bridging the insurmountable rupture between individual artistic creativity and the zhopa (lit. ass) of social labor (Yelizarov). But in the country of triumphant socialism, there was no one to take this sacrificial offering.

Appendix

The artikle was written for Chto Delat? on the “Debate on Avant-Garde”.



1 One could derive such an approach through the political synthesis of the aesthetic theories of Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, and Valery Podoroga (who has recently published an extensive volume on mimesis).

2 Examples of these modes of thinking can be find in the works of E. Dobrenko, Hans Günther, B. Groys, N. Sirotkin, I. Kondakov, I. Esualov, B. Khazanov, A. Aggev, A.I. Mazaev, and others.

3 The Russian philosopher Valery A. Podoroga has developed this idea in application to the material of experimental Russian literature in his recently published Mimesis: Materialy po analiticheskoi antropologii literatury. Tom 1 N. Gogol, F. Dostoevsky (Moscow: Logos-Altera, 2006).

4 It can be found, for example, in A. Hansen-Loewe’s book on Russian formalism.

5 Osip Brik. Iskusstvo kommuny, 1918, No. 2


Add to FacebookAdd to NewsvineAdd to DiggAdd to Del.icio.usAdd to StumbleuponAdd to RedditAdd to BlinklistAdd to TwitterAdd to TechnoratiAdd to Furl




Seeking Time, in Space (Scene one)

Seeking Time, in Space (Scenes from my Life)

Tarek Eltayeb
05 – 01 – 2008
in Masharef, Haifa


Translation Kareem James Abu-Zeid



Perhaps this is the attempt of a man filled with longing, a man far from his home yet filled with hope, an exile given over to waiting, an artist in flight, a pursuer of passion and a seeker of youth—an attempt at returning to ancient ruins, at recovering those forgotten scenes that have, with the passing of time, become rarer and more precious than the present.

Perhaps this is an attempt at uncovering something hidden and dormant, at laying bare a time that has almost vanished. Perhaps these ancient scenes and places will allow us to mend the fabric of that which has been forgotten; perhaps, by summoning the features of space, we can succeed in bringing forth those of time as well. Perhaps.




“A Little Bird Told Me!”


In my childhood, birds were a source of great irritation to me… I had gotten myself into trouble at school one day, and when I returned home my mother was waiting for me at the door with all the details of my mischief. I was taken completely by surprise, and asked her: “How did you know? Who told you?” She answered: “A little bird told me!” She finished by telling me that she would not divulge the punishment for my behaviour, and then postponed this punishment for an indefinite period of time. I did not realise at the time that the mere thought of the unknown punishment would reign over me for so long and would, in itself, suffice to deter any future attempts at mischief—or to force me (at the very least) to try to hide my actions from the birds.

I now hated the birds that I had once loved so much. I used to dream of soaring through the sky like them and seeing the world from up on high; of flying to school as quick as lightning whenever I woke up late; and of perching on one of the school benches among my mates in order to study.

We used to live on the second floor, and the only tree on our long street was a single camphor tree in front of our house. After this incident with my mother, I began to stare angrily at the spying birds in the tree as they chirped to each other about the neighbourhood’s happenings and flew off to tell parents about the mischief of their children. I also began to glance up into the trees at school during every quarrel with my mates—I always did my best to check my anger, fearing that the enemy birds would divulge my actions to my family.

At home I used to shut the window that faced the top of the camphor tree to prevent the birds from spying on me. I even nervously chased off each bird that settled on the rail of our balcony: “Go away, you dog!”, I yelled, even though I was very fond of dogs.



Masharef, Haifa MASHAREF is a literary magazine published in Haifa, founded by the late novelist Emile Habiby. Until 1996 the magazine was edited by Habiby together with Siham Daoud who is the chief editor since that time. The magazine focuses on the publication of poetry, essays and theoretical texts on literature and culture. The culture of language is carried on by stimulating new forms of use. Masharef plays an important role as a journal for an exchange of ideas. The editorial work emphasizes the transformative and imaginative potential of language, with each text showing how different ways of thinking are explored in poetry and literature. This way artistic knowledge is revealed in the use of language, showing how the materialization of an idea interacts with its medium.



> straight forward to scene two



Add to FacebookAdd to NewsvineAdd to DiggAdd to Del.icio.usAdd to StumbleuponAdd to RedditAdd to BlinklistAdd to TwitterAdd to TechnoratiAdd to Furl

Nietzsche, Post-Anarchism and the senses Vol.I

Süreyyya Evren
31 – 01 – 2008
in Siyahi, Istanbul



Anarchists do not try to find domination in the throne –they look in their own palms. Politicians will never like anarchists. Anarchists destabilize the field of politics, blur the borders deliberately drawn before and do not give priority or a pioneering status to politics. Anarchism downplays big targets and magnifies small ones. Anarchism pulls politics into life, drags it into the streets, and there, on the streets, under heavy clouds of dust, takes it by the arm. They walk together there, hand in hand, and sit in a park.



There is a post-anarchist reduction of classical anarchism seen in texts of some key writers on post-anarchism (like Todd May, Saul Newman, Lewis Call or more recently Richard Day). Up until now, this feature of the post-anarchist tendency has been criticized by various anarchists.

But actually, ‘anarchists’ should admit that, ‘post-anarchists’ didn’t invent this! ‘Post-anarchists’ have been using the common anarchist history writing on classical anarchism which can be found anywhere in any reference book. The problem is, because of the reference to post-structuralism, they could be expected not to rely on that canonized history of anarchism without interrogating it, without questioning it at all.

When post-anarchists take the findings of a modernist, Eurocentric history writing of anarchism as a given truth and start working on this ground, it is likely to see them (post-anarchists) reproduce many problems already existing in this practice of history writing. (Jason Adams has given a basic critical questioning of this while he was talking on the “constructed history of anarchism”[1].) As someone working on post-anarchism as well, what Adams did in this early article was quite a good start – you have to turn your critical investigation to the given history of anarchism as well. Before comparing classical anarchism with post-structuralist philosophy, or before making a genealogy of affinity in the realm of ‘classical anarchism’ (that’s what Day does in “Gramsci is Dead”[2]) one must first endeavour to make a genealogy of the anarchist ‘canon’. These questions should be asked: how did the anarchist history writing developed? When and how were the main anarchist writers selected? Who were the fathers of the ‘fathers of anarchy’? Were there different tendencies in describing the main body of ‘classical anarchism’ and which tendency dominated the resulting history and how? How were the classical anarchists represented? Can we trace any hierarchy in these histories; were they modernist in their approach; can we trace any kind of discrimination?

My first critique to post-anarchist literature [3] so far is that it has not undertaken a new reading of the anarchist canon, that they didn’t investigate the classical anarchism from their post-structuralist perspectives, but instead compared post-structuralist theory with what was readily available in a classical anarchism written mostly from a modernist perspective. Many problems are rooted in this choice I believe.

As it is with the history of anarchism, what I understand from post-anarchism has many folds, and one crucial fold is about anarchist history writing, a new post-anarchist thinking should bring a new anthology, a new history of anarchism. At least, a new sensibility towards existing anarchist histories…



go to the next volume >



Footnotes



1. A long quote can be useful in showing Adams’ conception: “So by employing the label “Western” I am not referring to the actual history of anarchism but rather to the way in which anarchism has been constructed through the multiple lenses of Marxism, capitalism, eurocentrism and colonialism to be understood as such. This distorted, decontextualized and ahistoric anarchism with which we have now become familiar was constructed primarily by academics writing within the context of the core countries of the West: England, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Canada, United States, Australia and New Zealand. Since there was virtually no real subversion of the eurocentric understanding of anarchism until the 1990s, the vast majority of literature available that purports to deliver an “overview” of anarchism is written in such a way that one is led to believe that anarchism has existed solely within this context, and rarely, if ever, outside of it. Therefore, the anarchism that becomes widely known is that which has come to be identified with the West, despite its origins in the East; Kropotkin, Bakunin, Godwin, Stirner, and Goldman in first wave anarchism: Meltzer, Chomsky, Zerzan, and Bookchin in second and third wave anarchism. Rarely are such seminal first wave figures as Shifu, Atabekian, Magon, Shuzo, or Glasse even mentioned; a similar fate is meted out for such second and third wave figures such as Narayan, Mbah, and Fernandez — all of non-Western origin. This construction of anarchism as Western has unfortunately led to an unintentional eurocentrism that has permeated the writings of many second and third wave theorists and writers. Their work then becomes the standard-bearer of what anarchism actually means to most people, as it is printed and reprinted, sold and resold perennially at anarchist bookfairs, infoshops, bookstores and other places, as it is quoted and analyzed, compared and debated in reading circles, academic papers, at socials, parties, demonstrations, meetings and on picketlines. Clearly, there has been a great deal of reverence in second and third wave anarchist movements for this “Western anarchism” — the result has been that much of anarchism has moved from being a popular tradition amongst the most exploited in societies the world over to being little more than a loose combination of an academic curiosity for elite Western academics and a short-lived rebellious phase of youth that is seen as something that is eventually, and universally, outgrown.” In “Postanarchism in a Nutshell”, Jason Adams, http://info.interactivist.net/article.pl?sid=03/11/11/1642242, accessed on 15 / 11/ 2007.

2. Especially see Chapter 4 (“Utopian Socialism Then…) in Richard J. F. Day, Gramsci is Dead, Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements, Pluto Press, London 2005. Another problem with ‘Gramsci is Dead’, is seen when Day understands genealogy as simply tracing back the history of something (in this case ‘logic of affinity’). That is clearly not genealogy in the Nietzschean/Foucaultian sense –this is simply family tree. Genealogy requires asking questions about the birth, a genealogy of affinity in the Nietzsche/Foucaultian sense would begin with asking –who first wrote about affinity? Where did this affinity come from and how? What were the forces and struggles? How did it develop? etc.

3. There is a certain language gap that makes it difficult to refer to a ‘postanarchist literature’ in the world. In the English speaking world, usually there is no concern about this, and without a doubt, writers refer to ‘postanarchists’ or ‘postanarchist writers’ instead of saying ‘English speaking postanarchists’ or ‘postanarchist literature in English’, and thus ignores contributions made in different languages like French, German and Turkish. Jurgen Mumken and his friends in Germany made numerous postanarchist publications and a website for postanarchist archives, http://www.postanarchismus.net (this is the last one of a series of websites dedicated to postanarchism; Jason Adams’s Postanarchism Clearing House was the first one, followed by http://www.postanarki.net, which was prepared by Siyahi and included articles in Turkish and English, and the blog pages of Siyahi Interlocal, which was a joint project of Adams and Siyahi to make an international postanarchist magazine in English –that project hasn’t see the light till today. And web pages in Spanish are following, which can be traced through the Spanish wikipedia in es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Postanarquismo). Two original books have been published in German by the same group of writers, and several books on post-anarchism saw light in Turkish. (As you can guess, these books are never mentioned when writers give a picture of ‘postanarchism so far’.) Post-anarchism is a strong theoretical current of anarchism in Turkey. The first essay combining postmodernism and anarchism, written by the author of this article, was published in 1994, in the magazine ‘Express’. Turkish post-anarchists formed a group called Karasin Anarchist Collective and made xerox publications between 1996 – 1998. Details about these photocopy pamphlets and magazines and the groups later alternative publication experiences can be found in a paper I presented in Lujubljana, 2006 (http://surmetinler.blogspot.com). Today we are publishing Siyahi, the only post-anarchist magazine in the world. Sureyyya Evren, Kursad Kiziltug, Bulent Usta, Erden Kosova, Rahmi G. Ogdul and Yasar Cabuklu are prominent Turkish writers writing on post-anarchism or with a post-anarchist tendency. All of them have contributed post-anarchist publications in Turkish on different levels from the Karasin period to Siyahi. And they are followed by new generations like A. Ekim Savran or Murat Guney. So here and in other related terms, with post-anarchists I mainly mean writers who made book length contributions to the field of English [Todd May (Political Philosophy of the Poststructuralist Anarchism), Saul Newman (From Bakunin to Lacan: Anti-Authoritarianism and the Dislocation of Power), Lewis Call (Postmodern Anarchism) and Richard Day (Gramsci is Dead, Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements)]. Why is it in Turkey whenever we write on post-anarchism, we try to cover everything we can reach in the world, written in whatever language, but when an English-speaking anarchist writes on post-anarchism she finds it perfectly sufficient to refer to only English language texts on postanarchism? This situation should be discussed later more. And as I am mainly discussing the ‘postanarchist literature in English’, I will not be referring to positions on the subject which are written in other languages.



About the magazine

Siyahi, Istanbul

Siyahî (Istanbul) is a political cultural magazine based mostly on anarchist and post structuralist thought. Started in 2004 and distributed throughout Turkey, Siyahî includes interviews with various writers and political people, articles reflecting contemporary theory, critical art discussions, special dossiers on key concepts and events and such. A post anarchist perspective is shaping all Siyahî issues. Nowadays we are working at identity politics, libertarian education and concrete poetry.






Add to FacebookAdd to NewsvineAdd to DiggAdd to Del.icio.usAdd to StumbleuponAdd to RedditAdd to BlinklistAdd to TwitterAdd to TechnoratiAdd to Furl